The Future of Government

Overview: Reference a theme of current events and apply concepts of government using our textbook, supplemental readings, and 1984. This is a creative assignment that requires you use our discipline to analyze unfolding events to predict outcomes by imagining the future. Identify your theme by connecting at least 3 related news articles and what element you are assessing. For example, I may be interested in presidential primary debates, so I have an article on the Republicans, one on the Democrats, and another that contextualizes the current primary with previous primaries. Next, I would select at least one concept from the textbook–such as the nature of the state (Chapter 1)–plus any relevant material from the weekly supplemental readings, and any relevant ideas from 1984 that serve well for making analytical connections. WITHOUT THESE, you will LOSE POINTS.The creative outcome should be proposed; no proposal = no guarantee of acceptance. Automatic acceptance without approval: If you want to write this as an essay, that is acceptable!Your entire product should culminate in a measured prediction of the theme of current events that no one else has provided BECAUSE you will include all of the elements above and use your political perspective (based on POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY assignment).Final thoughts: There is a lot of flexibility in what I consider “creative.” First, while artistic expressions might be obvious, I think so long as you are creative in how you present, that anything could be valid. If you are good with numbers, have taken statistics, then there is a lot of room for inquiry (go to the Library Databases for good quantitative articles). For those of you thinking about political science as a PhD., just know that the discipline is primarily data-driven in its analysis these days. Lastly, there is ultimately no incorrect prediction of the future, but there is a lazy retelling of the recent past/current events… as always, if you have questions, please ask.


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My discussion post:
Part 1:
The idea of using language to change the severity of government actions is not new.
In the article titled “The Bush Doctrine, Democratization, and Humanitarian
Intervention,” Andrew Fiala critiques the way the Bush Doctrine tries to use the
language of the just war critique to defend its activities in the furtherance of the
democratization agenda in regions considered totalitarian. Such a mastery of language
tailoring could not be better than in 1984, George Orwell’s dystopian masterpiece. In
Chapter 5 of Part I, there’s a passage that explains the primary objective of
“Newspeak.” It is the third paragraph on page 67. The idea of using the language of
just war to justify the Bush Doctrine is not any different from the use of Newspeak to
control the thoughts of the people of Oceania.
The passage claims that “the whole aim of Newspeak is to narrow the range of
thought.” (Orwell 67). Narrowing the scope of people’s thinking by crafting the
language in a manner that makes the government actions favorable to the masses is
simply what the Bush Doctrine does. It explains that its main agenda is to create peace
and harmony through doing away with totalitarian governments. According to Fiala,
those who advocate for the use of the strategies propounded by the Bush Doctrine
believe that the government of the United States is justified to use hard power to
enforce democratization (Fiala 29). It is apparent that the government’s definition of
democratization in this context is akin to Newspeak. There is no way that freedom
can be achieved through force. It is just similar to 1984’s supposition that “war is
peace.” The passage, therefore, is an accurate reflection of what the American
government has been doing over the years- it has been altering the real definitions of
words to bring about its desired effects. In the article, Fiala does not hesitate to show
how the government has defended its stance by associating the Bush Doctrine to the
just war tradition.
Another use of language in the Bush Doctrine that can be linked to the passage is the
use of words like “terrorism” and “rogue states” to define countries that are not
friendly to American ideologies. In the book, the idea that by 2050 nobody would
understand the typical language can be exemplified by the fact that the Western
regions have already changed what is currently understood as terrorism. There is
already a Revolution in the definition of the concept. As Orwell puts it, “The
Revolution will be complete when the language is perfect,” (Orwell 67). Impliedly,
everybody has now been made to think that everything that does not have an
element of Americanism is of terrorist nature.
Overall, the relationship between the idea of using the language of the just war
tradition in Fiala’s article and introducing a new language in Orwell’s novel typifies
the reality in the factual world. Those in power always use all resources at their
disposal to change the perspectives towards key issues in the society to justify their
actions. For example, the government continues to justify the invasion of Iraq by
narratives of democratization, yet it has dawned upon almost everyone that countless
hindrances punctuate the path of democracy- hindrances that even war cannot hope
to break. It is thus good for everyone to open their eyes and see past the government’s
language of deceit, “Newspeak.”
Works Cited
Fiala, Andrew. “The Bush doctrine, democratization, and humanitarian intervention:
a just war critique.” Theoria: A Journal of Social and Political Theory (2007): 28-47.
Orwell, George. Nineteen eighty-four. Secker & Warburg, 1949.
Part 2:
The idea of the power of the corporate as discussed in the Sciullo’s article “Reassessing
Corporate Personhood in the Wake of Occupy Wall Street” is perfectly comparable
with the emerging power of the Brotherhood in Orwell’s 1984. Corporates have been
increasingly acquiring great autonomy despite the government’s ability to control
almost everything within the confines of their jurisdictions. The same thing has been
happening to the Brotherhood. While Airstrip One is under the overwhelming watch
of the Big Brother, the Brotherhood seems to be growing in popularity and size. The
underlying hope of this inactive form of resistance is that in the future it may be able
to overthrow the Party. To achieve this, the Brotherhood has adopted some atypical
ways of weakening the Party. They are promoting acts that can elevate corruption to
the highest levels in the society, like terrorism, drug abuse, prostitution, and
thoughtcrime among others. In Chapter 8 of Part II, the second paragraph of page 222
explains how everybody thinks about the Brotherhood: a secret group of people
conspiring I underworld cellars, operating through code-words or other discreetly
recognizable gestures (Orwell 222). Similarly, the corporate personhood has been
growing under the watch of the world but without anyone noticing it until they
reached the point of no return. Not even the government can reduce the power of the
corporations of today.
Sciullo provides a precise analysis of the way the corporate power has continued to
grow. Governments and businesses that are very powerful pose debilitating dangers to
the well-being of the society (Sciullo 632). The anti-corporation sentiments discussed
by Sciullo are similar to the anti-Brotherhood climate in 1984. The government does
not want to take any chances with these groups. In the history of the Early Republic,
anti-corporation sentiments recurred every time. There was resistance to the power
concentrations that were becoming commonplace in England in places like churches
and trading areas (Sciullo 637). During these times, the resources were only available
to those in the upper echelons of power, just like in Airstrip One in 1984.
The passage makes it clear that almost everyone in the nation can feel the presence of
the Brotherhood even if they cannot see it. They conceive it to be a potent
organization but whose activities are done secretly. In fact, everyone has their image
of how these groups are structured and how they operate (Orwell 222). The activities
of modern-day corporations can be viewed similarly. While the leaders of the firms
are known, some of them have grown into sophisticated businesses whose operations
cannot be fully traced. It is almost impossible to give a full account of what happens
behind the curtains in major global corporations because of the majestic power
granted to them by the constitution. The power of acting as artificial beings gave
contemporary companies several rights, just like people (Scuillo 646). As such, they
can operate discreetly just like persons.
Nonetheless, it is worth noting that this relationship presents a few differences
between the “Brotherhood” and the “Corporates.” The Brotherhood has not yet
reached the state of power that corporates have, but the progress is great, and there is
hope in the future. Further, the corporate is protected by law while the brotherhood
does not have a place in the rules and policies governing Airstrip One. However, both
are perpetrators of capitalist ideas and are in the pursuit of freedom.
Works Cited
Orwell, George. Nineteen eighty-four. Secker & Warburg, 1949.
Sciullo, Nick J. “Reassessing Corporate Personhood in the Wake of Occupy Wall
Street.” Widener LJ22 (2012): 611.
Part 3:
In the masterpiece, “1984” lengthy and informative details about the encounters and
experiences of one Winston Smith have been given. The piece depicts Winston
Smith`s life in a totalitarian government and how he wanted to live against its vices.
However, the means by which he wanted to do this like looking for allies, were
totally against the law and would be punishable by death. He does the same with so
much caution bearing in mind that if he was caught his actions would be punishable
by law. In Part 3 of 1984 Winston has already revealed his secrets to Obrien who he
thought that he was a friend thinking they would work together in bringing the Party
down. However, Obrien works for the Thought police, an agency dedicated to
reporting any individual who rebels against the Party. Torture and fear trigger the
loss of identity and at some point, makes one shift decisions unwillingly.
It is evident that when one is exposed to fear, torture and put in an environment that
suggests the same, then so much may change starting with the psychological part of
an individual. Winston is in the “Ministry of Love” a prison that suggested torture and
humiliation to Winston since there were other Party prisoners who did not talk
because they were terrified (Orwell 286). Winston is in constant fear and does not
have the courage of rebelliousness anymore. This is clearly because of the set
environment and atmosphere in the prison. He only thinks of how he would be
tortured due to his acts of rebelliousness “There were moments when he foresaw the
things that would happen to him…” (Orwell 289). Despite his strong feelings for Julia
who is his lover and the vows that he would always love her no matter what, the
sense of fear and torture totally eliminated all these thoughts. “He hardly thought of
Another connection that clearly depicts the effects of the sense of torture is the one
revealed by Parsons, Winston’s friend in the Jail. Parsons was arrested because of
thoughtcrime. This is a crime committed with no evidence of actions. In this case,
Parsons was arrested because of sleep-talking and uttering the words “Down with
BigBrother” repeatedly (Orwell 295). He is afraid that he will be killed because of
what he did. In this case, Parsons has the right to defend himself over his actions
since sleep talking was something that he did unknowingly. However, the fear
induced in him in the prison environment flashes of the thoughts of this fact. He was
a committed member of the Party and had no previous records of rebelliousness. Fear
has totally washed off his thoughts of a committed member and brought in new
thoughts where he actually convicts himself to be a rebel “Of course, am guilty!”
(Orwell 294). Because of fear, Parson only thinks of the number of years that he
would be jailed rather of how he would make convincing statements to prove his
In another incidence, Winston is being tortured by Obrien telling him to admit that
he was showing him five fingers and not were which was the reality. In the
beginning, Winston gives a firm answer of four fingers. However, as he is
continuously tortured by Obrien using a needle, he changes his mind and gives the
desired answer of five which is what Obrien wanted. “How many fingers Winston?”
“Four!”….”How many fingers Winston?” “Five! Five! Five!” (Orwell 316). This clearly
shows that the torture subjected to Winston became a reason for his changed
thoughts. In addition, Winston is afraid of rats and Obrien wants to use the same to
torture him. When this becomes so real, he pleads that they better torture Julia with
the rats and do anything else they wanted with his body. The torture has become so
intense on him to a point where he forgets that the two were lovers.
In nutshell, it is evident from the masterpiece that fear and torture can result in the
loss of identity. Winston is not bothered about Julia`s well-being and has also
dissolved his courage of becoming a label. This gives a clear indication that his mental
state has been changed because of being subjected to fear and torture.
Works Cited
Orwell, George, and Dennis Glover. Nineteen Eighty-Four, 2017. Print
By George Orwell
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Part One

Chapter 1
t was a bright cold day in April, and the clocks were striking thirteen. Winston Smith, his chin nuzzled into his
breast in an effort to escape the vile wind, slipped quickly
through the glass doors of Victory Mansions, though not
quickly enough to prevent a swirl of gritty dust from entering along with him.
The hallway smelt of boiled cabbage and old rag mats. At
one end of it a coloured poster, too large for indoor display,
had been tacked to the wall. It depicted simply an enormous face, more than a metre wide: the face of a man of
about forty-five, with a heavy black moustache and ruggedly handsome features. Winston made for the stairs. It was
no use trying the lift. Even at the best of times it was seldom working, and at present the electric current was cut
off during daylight hours. It was part of the economy drive
in preparation for Hate Week. The flat was seven flights up,
and Winston, who was thirty-nine and had a varicose ulcer
above his right ankle, went slowly, resting several times on
the way. On each landing, opposite the lift-shaft, the poster
with the enormous face gazed from the wall. It was one of
those pictures which are so contrived that the eyes follow
you about when you move. BIG BROTHER IS WATCHING
YOU, the caption beneath it ran.
Inside the flat a fruity voice was reading out a list of figFree eBooks at Planet

ures which had something to do with the production of
pig-iron. The voice came from an oblong metal plaque like
a dulled mirror which formed part of the surface of the
right-hand wall. Winston turned a switch and the voice
sank somewhat, though the words were still distinguishable. The instrument (the telescreen, it was called) could be
dimmed, but there was no way of shutting it off completely. He moved over to the window: a smallish, frail figure,
the meagreness of his body merely emphasized by the blue
overalls which were the uniform of the party. His hair was
very fair, his face naturally sanguine, his skin roughened by
coarse soap and blunt razor blades and the cold of the winter that had just ended.
Outside, even through the shut window-pane, the world
looked cold. Down in the street little eddies of wind were
whirling dust and torn paper into spirals, and though the
sun was shining and the sky a harsh blue, there seemed
to be no colour in anything, except the posters that were
plastered everywhere. The blackmoustachio’d face gazed
down from every commanding corner. There was one on
the house-front immediately opposite. BIG BROTHER IS
WATCHING YOU, the caption said, while the dark eyes
looked deep into Winston’s own. Down at street level another poster, torn at one corner, flapped fitfully in the wind,
alternately covering and uncovering the single word INGSOC. In the far distance a helicopter skimmed down
between the roofs, hovered for an instant like a bluebottle,
and darted away again with a curving flight. It was the police patrol, snooping into people’s windows. The patrols did

not matter, however. Only the Thought Police mattered.
Behind Winston’s back the voice from the telescreen was
still babbling away about pig-iron and the overfulfilment
of the Ninth Three-Year Plan. The telescreen received and
transmitted simultaneously. Any sound that Winston made,
above the level of a very low whisper, would be picked up by
it, moreover, so long as he remained within the field of vision which the metal plaque commanded, he could be seen
as well as heard. There was of course no way of knowing
whether you were being watched at any given moment. How
often, or on what system, the Thought Police plugged in on
any individual wire was guesswork. It was even conceivable
that they watched everybody all the time. But at any rate
they could plug in your wire whenever they wanted to. You
had to live—did live, from habit that became instinct—in
the assumption that every sound you made was overheard,
and, except in darkness, every movement scrutinized.
Winston kept his back turned to the telescreen. It was
safer, though, as he well knew, even a back can be revealing.
A kilometre away the Ministry of Truth, his place of work,
towered vast and white above the grimy landscape. This,
he thought with a sort of vague distaste—this was London,
chief city of Airstrip One, itself the third most populous
of the provinces of Oceania. He tried to squeeze out some
childhood memory that should tell him whether London
had always been quite like this. Were there always these vistas of rotting nineteenth-century houses, their sides shored
up with baulks of timber, their windows patched with cardboard and their roofs with corrugated iron, their crazy
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garden walls sagging in all directions? And the bombed
sites where the plaster dust swirled in the air and the willow-herb straggled over the heaps of rubble; and the places
where the bombs had cleared a larger patch and there had
sprung up sordid colonies of wooden dwellings like chicken-houses? But it was no use, he could not remember:
nothing remained of his childhood except a series of brightlit tableaux occurring against no background and mostly
The Ministry of Truth—Minitrue, in Newspeak [Newspeak was the official language of Oceania. For an account
of its structure and etymology see Appendix.]—was startlingly different from any other object in sight. It was an
enormous pyramidal structure of glittering white concrete, soaring up, terrace after terrace, 300 metres into the
air. From where Winston stood it was just possible to read,
picked out on its white face in elegant lettering, the three
slogans of the Party:
The Ministry of Truth contained, it was said, three
thousand rooms above ground level, and corresponding
ramifications below. Scattered about London there were
just three other buildings of similar appearance and size.
So completely did they dwarf the surrounding architecture that from the roof of Victory Mansions you could see

all four of them simultaneously. They were the homes of
the four Ministries between which the entire apparatus
of government was divided. The Ministry of Truth, which
concerned itself with news, entertainment, education, and
the fine arts. The Ministry of Peace, which concerned itself
with war. The Ministry of Love, which maintained law and
order. And the Ministry of Plenty, which was responsible
for economic affairs. Their names, in Newspeak: Minitrue,
Minipax, Miniluv, and Miniplenty.
The Ministry of Love was the really frightening one.
There were no windows in it at all. Winston had never been
inside the Ministry of Love, nor within half a kilometre of it.
It was a place impossible to enter except on official business,
and then only by penetrating through a maze of barbedwire entanglements, steel doors, and hidden machine-gun
nests. Even the streets leading up to its outer barriers were
roamed by gorilla-faced guards in black uniforms, armed
with jointed truncheons.
Winston turned round abruptly. He had set his features
into the expression of quiet optimism which it was advisable to wear when facing the telescreen. He crossed the
room into the tiny kitchen. By leaving the Ministry at this
time of day he had sacrificed his lunch in the canteen, and
he was aware that there was no food in the kitchen except
a hunk of dark-coloured bread which had got to be saved
for tomorrow’s breakfast. He took down from the shelf a
bottle of colourless liquid with a plain white label marked
VICTORY GIN. It gave off a sickly, oily smell, as of Chinese
rice-spirit. Winston poured out nearly a teacupful, nerved
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himself for a shock, and gulped it down like a dose of medicine.
Instantly his face turned scarlet and the water ran out
of his eyes. The stuff was like nitric acid, and moreover, in
swallowing it one had the sensation of being hit on the back
of the head with a rubber club. The next moment, however,
the burning in his belly died down and the world began to
look more cheerful. He took a cigarette from a crumpled
packet marked VICTORY CIGARETTES and incautiously
he …
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